Tuesday, 10 September 2024

Refuting Creationism - Migration Into Iberia When Creationists Think Earth Was Under A Genocidal Flood


AI-gerated depiction of a Yamnaya migration caravan.
(Spot the errors!)
Theory of a violent invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in Late Prehistory now questioned - Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona - UAB Barcelona

Had the ancient inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula contrived to get their oral history and origin myths written down in the same way that the Bronze Age Canaanite pastoralists did, we might have had a slightly more accurate and less implausible history. It certainly wouldn't have had daft tales about a global genocidal flood just at the time newcomers with new ideas, a new language and new techniques of animal husbandry were migrating into the area having traversed Western Europe from the Steppes of Central Asia.

Unlike the parochial Canaanite nonsense, it might well have had people, places and animals from more than a day or two's walk from the Canaanite Hills.

Archaeological evidence shows that, at the time when creationist superstition says everyone had been drowned in a genocidal, global flood several thousand feet deep, by a vindictive god, people originating on the Steppes of Central Asia were migrating across western Europe and into the Iberian Peninsula, as though nothing unusual was happening.

What can you tell me about the migration of people from the Steppes of Central Asia into the Iberian Peninsula about 4,200 years ago? The migration of people from the steppes of Central Asia into the Iberian Peninsula around 4,200 years ago is part of a broader wave of human movement associated with the spread of the Yamnaya culture and its descendants from the Pontic-Caspian steppe region (modern-day Ukraine and southern Russia) across Europe during the late Neolithic and early Bronze Age. Here is some of the key information:
  1. Yamnaya Culture and Steppe Migration
    • The Yamnaya culture, often considered a key representative of the steppe pastoralist lifestyle, originated in the Pontic-Caspian steppe around 5,000–4,500 years ago.
    • These people were highly mobile, practiced pastoralism (herding sheep, cattle, and horses), and are believed to have used wheeled vehicles like carts and wagons.
    • Genetic and archaeological evidence suggests that groups of Yamnaya or their descendants began migrating westward into Europe around 4,500 to 4,300 years ago, reaching as far as Central and Western Europe.

  2. Arrival in the Iberian Peninsula
    • By around 4,200 years ago (circa 2200 BCE), there is evidence that people with steppe ancestry reached the Iberian Peninsula. This migration is believed to have occurred over several generations, with some groups moving southward from Central Europe.
    • The influx of steppe-related ancestry into Iberia was likely part of a more extensive movement that brought significant cultural and genetic changes across Europe, including the introduction of Indo-European languages.

  3. Genetic Impact in Iberia
    • Genetic studies have shown that around 40% of the Iberian population’s ancestry was replaced by new migrants during this period. This suggests a substantial demographic shift, although the impact was less pronounced in Iberia compared to some other parts of Europe, like Central Europe, where the replacement levels were much higher.
    • The newcomers brought with them distinctive genetic markers associated with the Yamnaya culture, particularly Y-chromosome haplogroup R1b, which became prevalent in Iberia after their arrival.

  4. Cultural and Archaeological Evidence
    • The Bell Beaker culture, which originated in Central Europe and is partly associated with steppe ancestry, is thought to have facilitated or accompanied this migration into Iberia. Bell Beaker artifacts, such as distinctive pottery, archery equipment, and metalwork, are found throughout Iberia, reflecting cultural influences from Central Europe and beyond.
    • However, the interaction between the incoming steppe-descended groups and the existing Neolithic populations in Iberia seems to have been complex. Some aspects of the local culture were maintained, while others were replaced or modified.

  5. Impact on Language and Society
    • The migration is often associated with the spread of Indo-European languages into Europe. While there is evidence to suggest that the steppe migrations introduced Indo-European languages into parts of Western Europe, the linguistic landscape of Iberia before Roman times was complex, with various pre-Indo-European languages present alongside Indo-European ones.
    • In Iberia, the influence of these migrations may have contributed to the formation of new social structures and practices, as well as the spread of metallurgy, horse-riding, and new funerary customs.

  6. Continuing Research and Debate
    • Research on this topic is ongoing, and scholars continue to debate the extent, nature, and impact of these migrations. New discoveries in genetics, archaeology, and linguistics continue to shape our understanding of how these migrations unfolded and their effects on ancient Iberian societies.

Would you like more specific information on any of these aspects?

Does the prevalence of the R1b Y-chromosome haplogroup indicate selective replacement of males by the invaders or simply a low indigenous population in Iberia?

The prevalence of the R1b Y-chromosome haplogroup in Iberia following the migrations from the steppe around 4,200 years ago suggests a significant demographic shift, but the reasons for this shift are complex and likely involve multiple factors, including both selective male replacement and the size of the indigenous population.
  1. Selective Replacement of Males by the Invaders
    • Genetic Evidence: Genetic studies have shown that after the arrival of steppe-descended populations, the R1b Y-chromosome haplogroup became dominant in Western Europe, including Iberia. In some regions, up to 90% of the Y-chromosomes are of the R1b type today.
    • Male Lineage and Population Dynamics: This pattern is often interpreted as evidence of a strong bias toward the male lineages of the incoming groups. The high prevalence of the R1b haplogroup, coupled with relatively lower genetic contributions from steppe-descended females, suggests that male-driven migration and possibly a degree of selective replacement occurred. This could have been due to violent conflict, conquests, or social dominance by the incoming groups, leading to the replacement or marginalization of local male lineages.
    • Social and Cultural Factors: In societies characterized by patrilineal inheritance and social stratification, male invaders often had more opportunities to pass on their genetic material, especially if they established themselves as the dominant social group. This scenario is supported by similar patterns in other parts of Europe, where steppe migrations are also linked with a notable shift in male lineage.

  2. Low Indigenous Population in Iberia
    • Population Density: The indigenous population of Iberia during the late Neolithic to early Bronze Age was relatively sparse compared to other regions of Europe, such as the Fertile Crescent or the Mediterranean coasts. Low population density could have made the indigenous groups more vulnerable to demographic changes caused by incoming groups.
    • Demographic Displacement: The steppe migrations likely involved groups that were themselves experiencing population growth, technological advantages (like the use of horses, wheeled vehicles, and advanced metallurgy), and increased mobility. A smaller indigenous population in Iberia may have been quickly absorbed, overwhelmed, or outnumbered by the newcomers, resulting in a dramatic shift in genetic makeup.

  3. Combination of Factors
    • Intermarriage and Integration: The steppe migrants may have intermarried with local women, leading to the gradual spread of their male lineage (R1b haplogroup) while still preserving some maternal lineages from the original inhabitants. This type of integration is often reflected in genetic studies showing significant paternal (Y-chromosome) but less maternal (mitochondrial DNA) steppe ancestry.
    • Cultural and Technological Influence: The migrants brought new technologies, cultural practices, and social structures that could have given them an advantage over local populations, leading to a relatively swift demographic and cultural dominance. This may have further accelerated the replacement of indigenous male lineages with those of the newcomers.

  4. Archaeological and Social Context
    • Funerary Practices and Archaeology: Archaeological evidence, such as the adoption of new funerary practices (like single burials under mounds) and new material culture (Bell Beaker pottery), may suggest a process of cultural assimilation or domination by incoming groups, where indigenous populations either adopted new cultural practices or were marginalized or replaced.
    • Possible Scenarios: There are several potential scenarios:
      • Elite-Driven Replacement: Incoming groups may have established themselves as elites, leading to higher reproductive success and a greater genetic legacy over generations.
      • Conflict and Conquest: In some areas, conflict between indigenous populations and incoming steppe groups may have led to the direct replacement of local male lineages.
      • Peaceful Integration and Assimilation: In other regions, integration may have been more peaceful, with genetic replacement occurring gradually over time through social and economic interactions.

  5. Ongoing Debate and Research
    • There is still ongoing research and debate among geneticists, archaeologists, and historians about the precise nature of these demographic changes. The rapid replacement of male lineages suggests a significant social and demographic impact, but whether this was due to a violent invasion, peaceful migration, or elite dominance remains a topic of study.

In summary, the high prevalence of the R1b Y-chromosome haplogroup in Iberia likely reflects a combination of selective male replacement by steppe-descended groups and the small size or lower density of the indigenous population. Both factors would have contributed to a substantial demographic and genetic shift over time.
The question is, whether this invasion was a violent occupation in which Iberian men were replaced by Steppe men, or whether, as new research, by a group of archaeologists from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and Universidad de Murcia, Spain now suggests, the 'invasion' was simply a migration into an area with a low population where the incomers mixed with the indigenous population, or maybe formed a dominant social group.

The researchers have just published their findings, open access, in the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports accompanied by a news release from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona:
Theory of a violent invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in Late Prehistory now questioned

A study by the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and the University of Murcia (UM) challenges the theory that warrior groups with a ‘Steppe’ genetic component originating from Eastern Europe violently replaced the male population of the Iberian Peninsula some 4,200 years ago and presents a different scenario, in which groups with ‘Steppe’ ancestry mixed with other demographically weakened locals.
In the paper, published in the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, the research team explored how society and populations changed in southeast Spain 4,200 years ago, during the transition from the Copper to the Bronze Age. To this end, they focused on one of the best known aspects of this transition: the shift from communal burials in the Copper Age to the single and double tombs of the Bronze Age El Argar society. The team looked at a large sample of radiocarbon (C14) dates from human bones discovered in these different types of graves.

Left Tomb 80 of La Almoloya (Pliego Murcia). Example of a typical burial from the Argaric Bronze Age. Right: he archaeological site of Gatas (Turre, Almería), where one of the oldest known Argaric tombs was found.

© ASOME-UAB.


The first result of the analysis is chronological and suggests that the change from communal to individual tombs happened quickly. But it is the second result that has arguably greater implications. By examining a large sample of radiocarbon dates from human remains in southeast Iberia, they observed a peak in the number of buried dead during 2550-2400 BCE, followed by a sudden drop in 2300-2250 BCE.

The authors interpret this data from a demographic perspective.

It is likely that the inhabitants of southeastern Iberia were already very few, around 4,300 or 4,200 years ago, just before the arrival of populations with new genetic components, labelled ‘Steppe’. When individuals with Steppe ancestry were found in southeastern Iberia, around 2200-2000 BC, they simply mixed with small local groups or occupied uninhabited areas.

Professor Rafael Micó, lead author
Co-director Grup de Recerca en Arqueoecologia Social Mediterrània (ASOME-UAB)
Departament de Prehistòria
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain.


Along with these results, the team also cites previous archaeogenetic studies that point to the absence of a ‘male bias’ among peninsular groups with Steppe ancestry.

This allows us to propose a different historical scenario, which does not contemplate invading hordes of ‘Steppe’ warriors who would have annihilated the local men and formed a male elite with exclusive access to local women.

Professor Cristina Rihuete Herrada, co-author Grup de Recerca en Arqueoecologia Social Mediterrània (ASOME-UAB)
Departament de Prehistòria
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain.


A period of abrupt change, but with a progressive ‘steppe’ genetic influence

4,200 years ago, between the Late Copper Age and the Early Bronze Age, major social disruptions occurred in Central and Western Europe. Archaeologists are still debating over their exact sources, and explanations range from drought to large-scale violent migrations or the spread of contagious diseases.

In recent years it has been argued that populations with what is known as ‘Steppe ancestry’ migrated westwards from the region around the Black Sea, aided by the horse and wheel as new technologies, and brutally raided Western Europe. In the case of Iberia, it has been suggested that men arriving from the East had preferential access to women and discriminated or eliminated local males, in what is a very impactful ‘invasionist’ interpretation in the media, but perhaps also a too hasty one.

Camila Oliart, co-author
Grup de Recerca en Arqueoecologia Social Mediterrània (ASOME-UAB)
Departament de Prehistòria
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain.


In the study now published, the research team outlines a context that may have important implications for understanding the transition between the Chalcolithic and the Bronze Age in south Iberia 4,200 years ago, and in the southeast in particular. Over the two centuries prior to this date, the social landscape may have been quite far from that of a thriving Copper Age. It was probably characterised by smaller settlements and low population density. From this perspective, the ‘collapse’ of the Copper Age 4,200 years ago was not a rapid, massive and disruptive event affecting a densely populated and powerful society, but the culmination of two centuries of declining local dynamics.

This new scenario does not involve the mass elimination of men or the subjugation of local women after an alleged conquest, as the study points out.

The inhabitants of southern Iberia were already few in number at the end of the Copper Age and mixed with groups of Steppe genetic ancestry without the need for a large-scale invasion. We should start to consider alternative explanations. We cannot ignore the fact that violence was an ingredient of social life in the Copper Age, but so far nothing proves that its end was the consequence of a generalised conflict between genetically distinct populations.

Miguel Valério, co-author
Grup de Recerca en Arqueoecologia Social Mediterrània (ASOME-UAB)
Departament de Prehistòria
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain.


Still, the team emphasises that more high-precision radiocarbon dating and genetic analysis on human samples from the latest Copper Age and the earliest Bronze Age (El Argar) burials are need. “Such data is absolutely crucial to gain a better understanding of the nature, scale and pace of the changes taking place in the formation of Bronze Age societies”, they concluded.

To carry out the study, some 450 radiocarbon dates corresponding to individuals buried in tombs from the Copper Age and Early Bronze Age in Almería (La Atalaya, Las Churuletas, Los Millares, El Argar, El Barranquete, Fuente Álamo, Gatas, Llano del Jautón, Loma del Campo and Loma de Belmonte), Murcia (Camino del Molino), Granada (Cerro de la Virgen, Panoría), Jaén (Marroquíes Bajos), Seville (Valencina de la Concepción), and Évora (Perdigões) were analysed.

Along with Rafael Micó, Camila Oliart, Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Miguel Valério, researchers at ASOME-UAB, the authorship of the study also includes Eva Celdrán Beltrán and Joaquín Lomba Maurandi, from the University of Murcia.

Original article:
Rafael Micó, Eva Celdrán Beltrán, Joaquín Lomba Maurandi, Camila Oliart Caravatti, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, Miguel Valério. «Tracing social disruptions over time using radiocarbon datasets: Copper and Early Bronze Ages in Southeast Iberia». Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2024). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2024.104692
Highlights
  • C14 dates from human bones shed light on Copper to Bronze Age transition in SE Iberia.
  • Statistical analyses of C14 dates suggest that changes in funerary rituals were rapid.
  • Low population density in Late Chalcolithic SE Iberia poses a new scenario of transition into the Bronze Age.
  • The results cast doubt on narratives of a violent, sudden invasion of male warriors.

Abstract
The transition between the Late Copper and the Early Bronze Age in Central and Western Europe saw large-scale social disruptions ca. 2200 cal BCE (’4,2 ka event’). Their source is much debated, and scholars have addressed the problem from various disciplinary perspectives. One account points to the westward migration of populations with Pontic-Caspian ‘Steppe’ ancestry, possibly favoured by the spread of infectious diseases, but the question remains open. In southeast Iberia, the shift from communal burial practices in the Copper Age to single and double tombs in the Bronze Age offers a reliable diagnostic feature for the transition. To investigate social and demographic changes in this region during the late 3rd millennium BCE, we resorted to new C14 dates from human bone samples originating from both kinds of funerary contexts. Our statistical analysis indicates that most probably the changes in funerary rituals in southeast Iberia were fast. It also implies that the local populations had dropped in numbers before 2200 cal BCE, so that the presence of ‘Steppe ancestry’ ca. 2200–2000 cal BCE could be the result of their admixture with neighbouring peoples. Finally, we suggest that more high-precision C14 dates and archaeogenetic analyses from this transitional period are crucial for addressing the formation of Bronze Age societies.

1. Introduction
It is widely held that the transition between the Copper and the Bronze Ages in Central and Western Europe was the scenario of large-scale social disruptions around the key date of 2200 cal BCE (or '4,2 ka event') (Meller et al., 2015; Grigoriev, 2023). On archaeological grounds, the differences in artefactual assemblages were significant enough to divide the material continuum into two 'ages' and therefore assume broad 'cultural changes'. In recent years, the debate on the extent of, and the explanation for these changes has been fuelled by specialised investigations. Palaeoecological research has raised the possibility of extreme droughts in some regions linked to a large-scale climatic and environmental crisis, whereas palaeogenetic analysis has suggested the westward migration of populations with Pontic-Caspian 'Steppe' ancestry (Haak et al., 2015.1, Olalde et al., 2018), possibly favoured by the spread of infectious diseases also identified through DNA analysis (Yersinia pestis) (Rasmussen et al., 2015.2; Andrades Valtueña et al., 2017, Andrades Valtueña et al., 2022, Rascovan et al., 2019), that would have decimated local Neolithic/Chalcolithic Western societies. The question remains open, as the competing hypotheses need further support from converging lines of research that are still in progress, or which have yielded inconclusive results so far. In any case, a genealogical approach is needed when analysing regional trajectories before and after 2200 cal BCE. Special emphasis should be placed on the chronology and the rhythm of the changes observed in the archaeological record. Thus, 'timing is testing', as not all the alleged explanations would be consistent with a given time frame.

In Southeast Iberia, the transition between the Chalcolithic Los Millares and the Early Bronze Age El Argar societies has been explored in its chronological dimension. Recent approaches by Lull et al., 2010, Lull et al., 2015.3, Lull et al., 2020 were largely based on radiocarbon dates from samples selected in residential contexts, at least regarding the evidence assigned to the Copper Age. These results suggested that the temporal gap between the abandonment of the latest Chalcolithic settlements and the appearance of the earliest Bronze Age materials was very short, if it existed at all.

In addition to the residential contexts, the funerary record offers some of the most reliable diagnostic features of Copper and Bronze Age archaeological assemblages. Typically, Chalcolithic funerary practices were carried out in collective tombs (orthostatic, tholoi, natural caves, and hypogea) used for centuries by groups whose members were connected through biological ties or unknown social affinities, whereas the Bronze Age was characterised by single or double burials in small structures (pits, cists, artificial caves, and jars). Thanks to extensive dating programmes, new radiocarbon dates from human bone samples related to either Copper Age communal burial (Lomba et al., 2009, Díaz-Navarro et al., 2023.1, Aranda et al., 2017.1, Aranda et al., 2018.1, Aranda et al., 2020.1, Aranda et al., 2021a, Aranda et al., 2022.1, Molina et al., 2020.2a) or single and double tombs typical of the Early Bronze Age are available. This provides the opportunity for a more detailed chronological analysis than in previous attempts. The main goal here is to measure the chronological distance between largely different bodies of archaeological evidence, allowing for a reliable chronological framework in which social explanations could be assessed.
Whatever the truth about the nature of the invasion of Iberia by the Yamnaya culture from Central Asia, the important point for creationists to ignore is that there is an emerging continuous history of migration and intermixing of divergent peoples in Eurasia from before, during and after the supposed global genocidal flood that is central to creationist mythology, for no better reason than a bunch of parochial pastoralists from the Middle East elaborated on an earlier myth from Mesopotamia to make it look like they were descended from the only 'righteous' people who had survived the genocide and so were specially favoured by the locally-popular tribal god. This local tribal god of course conveniently gave them permission, and even instructed them to commit genocide against neighbouring tribes and occupy their land.

If only the Yamnaya or the Iberians they replaced had contrived to have their origin myths written down and bound into a book decreed to be inerrant history, what a different tale they could have told. No doubt they too would have had tribal gods who smiled favourably on them and who demanded ritual wordship in return. Long-forgotten gods now consigned to the graveyard of ancient gods whose passing made not a scrap of difference, and to which the tribal god of the Canaanite pastoralists should long ago have also been consigned.
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